Al-Qaeda-linked militants, from the group Ansar al-Sharia, launched a surprise attack and detonated two suicide bombs outside a Yemeni army post west of Zinjibar, the capital of Abyan province. The militants killed up to 85 Yemeni soldiers and captured 55 more. Twenty-eight militants were also killed during the full day of fighting. The violence comes amid political turmoil after an election officially replaced former President Ali Abdullah Saleh with Abed Rabbo Manour al-Hadi following a year of protests calling for the long-term leader to step down. Clashes have escalated as the al-Qaeda linked militants have occupied large areas within the Abyan and Shabwa provinces.
The United Nations reported that up to 2,000 people are currently fleeing from fighting in Syria into Lebanon. Refugees have been discussing conditions after the nearly month-long bombardment of the city of Homs, claiming atrocities committed by Syrian soldiers. Unsubstantiated claims also reported that the army was rounding up and toturing and killing remaining men and boys over 14 in the Baba Amr district of Homs. Convoys from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Syrian Red Crescent have distributed supplies in Homs, but have not been allowed access to Baba Amr. Meanwhile, violent clashes spread into the southwestern city of Daraa where Syrian opposition forces killed six soldiers and wounded nine. China is currently sending an envoy to Syria to push for an end to the violence, while Russia announced it would meet with the Arab League on March 10 in Cairo. The United Nations has reported that the death toll in Syria has exceeded 7,500.
Arguments & Analysis
'Netanyahu won't attack Iran -- probably' (Daniel Levy, Foreign Policy)
"If indeed Netanyahu is less keen on a strike than his posturing would have us believe, and if 2012 for Israel's leadership is in fact less about "zones of immunity" that Iranian facilities may acquire and more about "zones of impunity" that a U.S. election year confers on Israeli policy toward Iran, then perhaps this has been the Israeli intention all along: to checkmate the United States by locking it into a logic of confrontation down the road. Israel's position has, after all, been relatively clear in preferring a "stars and stripes" rather than a "blue and white" label on the military taming of Iran. If Obama pursues such a formula and this helps avoid war in the tricky months ahead, it is not to be sneezed at. But at the same time, there is a very real downside to this approach. It carries the promise of greater problems and escalation ahead -- making a negotiated solution ultimately less likely, possibly provoking Iran, and placing Israel in the very unwise position of cheerleading America into a war."
'Beyond NGOs: The Battle for Egypt' (Bahey el-din Hassan, Egypt Independent)
"Last December, a member of the SCAF assembled US correspondents in Egypt to tell them that the parliament, which was still in the process of being elected, did not represent all sectors of the population and that it was unqualified to write the constitution. The next day, another member of the SCAF stated that his colleague had been expressing merely his personal views; since then, both men have disappeared from the public eye. In this context, the question is no longer whether the SCAF will turn over power in June, but rather who has the power to take this decisive step. Has the security apparatus-which has been fed hostility towards Islamists for decades, considering them the primary internal enemy-prepared itself for the day when Islamists come to power? Or for the day after, when Islamists undertake an ideological purge of the apparatus to eliminate members that are perceived as antagonistic to political Islam? The answer to these questions is not unrelated to the crisis of civil society organizations; indeed, it is closely related to the political environment that produced this drama, and the whole tension with the American administration. This political environment indicates an ambiguity in decision-making, one that produced such a messy crises. It is thus crucial to try to understand this battle over ruling Egypt."
'Before attacking Iran, Israel should learn from its 1981 strike on Iraq' (Colin Kahl, Washington Post)
"Short of invasion and regime change -- outcomes beyond Israel's capabilities - it would be nearly impossible to prevent Iran from rebuilding its program. Iran's nuclear infrastructure is much more advanced, dispersed and protected, and is less reliant on foreign supplies of key technology, than was the case with Iraq's program in 1981. Although Barak often warns that Israel must strike before Iran's facilities are so protected that they enter a "zone of immunity" from Israeli military action, Iran would be likely to reconstitute its program in the very sites - and probably new clandestine ones -- that are invulnerable to Israeli attack. An Israeli strike would also end any prospect of Iran cooperating with the IAEA, seriously undermining the international community's ability to detect rebuilding efforts."
--Tom Kutsch & Mary Casey
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