Monday, February 27, 2012 - 5:20 PM

The escalating bloodshed in Syria has rapidly become the center of regional and international attention. While the United States and its allies struggle to find ways to effectively help the Syrian people, the body count mounts and the prospects of a negotiated transition grow dim. Meanwhile, a growing chorus calls for a military intervention to protect Syrian civilians or to accelerate the fall of the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. The response to the Syrian crisis is shaped by its unique combination of humanitarian crisis and strategic significance. The horrifying death toll and the political failures of the Syrian regime are real, urgent, and undeniable. So are the strategic stakes of a potential regime change in a long-time adversary of the United States and its allies, and the key Arab ally of Iran. The Syrian crisis has revealed and exacerbated the profound tension between the narrative of "Resistance" which has long shaped regional discourse and the narrative of the Arab uprisings.
Our new POMEPS briefing, "The Syria Crisis" -- to which this post is the introduction -- surveys the issues posed by the ongoing struggle in Syria. The the ninth in our Arab
Uprising Briefing series, "The Syrian Crisis" collects recent analysis and commentary from the
Middle East Channel on these urgent questions.
The Syrian uprising caught many observers off
guard. Many, including Assad, seemed to believe that Syria would be protected
from internal challenge either by its popular alignment with the
"Resistance" camp or by its willingness to use extreme force and
repression. Both assumptions proved incorrect. Indeed, the massively
disproportionate violent response to the initial challenges in March 2011
likely triggered exactly the popular outrage that it had been meant to
forestall. And, despite the ongoing support of Iran and Hezbollah for the
regime, the "Resistance" card has proven to be of little interest to
most Syrians or Arabs outside the hard-line anti-Imperialist Left.
The Syrian uprising struggled to remain
non-violent in the
face of the attacks by regime security forces. A cycle of violence and
mobilization set in, ratcheting upwards toward civil war. The Assad regime
failed to offer meaningful political concessions, which might have broken that
cycle. The Syrian opposition, for its part, remained
dangerously divided and fragmented, unable to put together a coherent political alternative that might reassure or attract
the many Syrians who remained with the regime or unwilling to commit.
International pressure contributed to the isolation of the Assad regime, as
demonstrated by the remarkable 137-22 vote in the United Nations General
Assembly in support of a transition plan. Sanctions, along with the effects of
the violence, devastated the Syrian economy. But despite the worsening
conditions, the core of the regime seems to remain intact and
significant portions of the Syrian population appear to still support it and to
accept its narrative of being targeted by a foreign, imperialist conspiracy.
Syria has thus become the focal point for rapidly shifting regional norms and
power politics. The Arab League has taken an unusually strong role in
condemning regime atrocities in Syria, suspending its membership, sending a
(poorly executed) observer mission, and leading the charge for action at the
United Nations. Qatar and Saudi Arabia have been particularly active, with
their media empires blanketing the airwaves with the Syrian opposition's
narrative, vocal attacks on the Assad regime from top leaders, and alleged
(though unproven) flows of money, guns, and material support to the opposition.
Many Arabs have noted the difficulty of taking seriously the calls for
democratic change in Syria emanating from a Riyadh which took the lead role in
crushing the Bahraini uprising and treats Shiite protestors in its own Eastern
Province as foreign conspirators to be crushed with an iron fist. Turkey has
struggled to deliver on its promises, despite its vaunted influence in
Damascus. Iran and Hezbollah remain staunch supporters of Assad, which seems to
have undermined Hezbollah's regional appeal. But cracks in the Resistance axis
have appeared, with Hamas turning against the Syrian regime, the Muslim
Brotherhood strongly supporting the Syrian opposition, and even Iraq voting
with the international consensus against Iran's wishes.
Still, the Security Council could not act over the objections of Russia and
China, and last week's "Friends of Syria" meeting struggled to find a
workable path forward. The limitations of international
diplomatic efforts have driven the rising calls for military intervention. It is
difficult to watch the deaths of so many Syrians, and frightening to envision
the internal and regional consequences of an extended, full-scale civil war.
But none of the proposed military actions seem likely to either
protect Syrian civilians or hasten the regime's fall. International military
action at this point seems more likely to fuel even worse fighting, while helping the Syrian
regime to rally domestic opposition to a foreign intervention. Arming the Syrian opposition, the most popular current
proposal, is a potential nightmare given the disunity of the Syrian opposition,
the immense military advantage enjoyed by regime forces, and the likely impact
on those Syrians still backing the regime.
But what then can be done? Some argue that the current levels of bloodshed
outweigh any fears about the future and demand military action now. Others warn
that an expanding proxy war inside of Syria is currently unavoidable, and argue
that since the militarization of the Syrian opposition is inevitable it must be
managed. Others argue for enhanced diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and the
mobilization of the instruments of international justice. And some argue that
Assad is still likely to survive and should be engaged in renewed dialogue
about a political transition. These debates will continue to rage as the crisis
grinds on. But whatever policy is adopted, the focus must be on protecting
Syrian civilians and accelerating progress toward a meaningful political
transition that includes all of Syria's communities.
Download the POMEPS Briefing, "The Syria Crisis", here.
BULENT KILIC/AFP/Getty Images
EXPLORE:MIDDLE EAST, MIDDLE EAST EDITORS BLOG, ARAB WORLD, MIDDLE EAST, CORRUPTION, DEMOCRACY, ECONOMICS, ELECTIONS, FREEDOM, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, MILITARY, SECURITY, SYRIA, U.S. FOREIGN POLICY
Russia and China have as much blood in their hands as Assad's and Al-Qaeda's.
In the Cold War there were two major players (USSR & U.S.) now in the post Cold War era there are many more players. The U.S. State Department is as busy as the Defense Department and foreign policy is quite an issue. A wrong statement not only causes confusion among the leading nations, but can lead to confusion when leadership is so very important..
"Is rio orange war always sans engagement inevitable ?"
MaximB

The Middle East Channel offers unique analysis and insights on this diverse and vital region of more than 400 million.
Read More
(2)
HIDE COMMENTS LOGIN OR REGISTER REPORT ABUSE