Posted By Marc Lynch Share

 

The call to accelerate the transition to civilian rule in Egypt has taken on a new urgency this week.  A wide range of political forces are calling for the SCAF to cede power to an elected leadership by February 2012.  There are many different ideas about how to do this, perhaps through the new Parliament selecting an interim Prime Minister or perhaps by holding Presidential elections at the end of January.  All of the ideas have their problems. But those problems pale against the threat to the Egyptian democratic transition posed by the continuing misrule of and escalating resort to violence by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. I believe that the calls for a new President by February should be taken very seriously indeed. 

This weekend's anomic violence on Qasr el-Aini Street does not likely augur the rekindling of popular revolution, as the protests were almost completely contained to a few blocks and seem to have attracted little popular sympathy.  But the wildly disproportionate, undisciplined, and frankly brutal response by the army does show graphically why the SCAF is rapidly losing its legitimacy to rule among the political elite.  It really doesn't matter whether it ordered the violent crackdown against the Cabinet sit-in or undisciplined troops began the violence on their own, since both point to something deeply problematic.  Such crises will continue to recur and intensify as long as the underlying problem of military rule remains unresolved. 

The greatest political accomplishment during the last bout of violence in November was that the SCAF agreed to to hold Presidential elections and the transfer of power by June.  But as one of Cairo's savviest political analysts told me yesterday, "we can't take six more months of this." 

The same arguments about the need for a transfer to civilian rule circulated after the horrifying violence which broke out November 19, when the images of tear gas and police brutality shocked Egyptians and the world.  That violence outraged Egypt's political elite and ordinary people alike, suddenly bringing back the massive crowds to Tahrir which months of efforts by activists had failed to generate.  The Obama administration released a rare public criticism of the SCAF which called for "the full transfer of power to a civilian government must take place in a just and inclusive manner that responds to the legitimate aspirations of the Egyptian people, as soon as possible." Under that pressure, the SCAF replaced Prime Minister Essam Sharaf, formed a largely powerless but determined civilian Advisory Council, and -- most importantly -- agreed to hold the Presidential elections by June 2012 rather than the vague suggestions of some time in 2013. 

The success of the first round of Parliamentary elections blunted the momentum that had been building for such an accelerated transition.  The high turnout and orderly procedures in the first round of elections had left the SCAF feeling clearly vindicated.  The SCAF was reportedly furious with the unprecedented public American criticism.  They were also, I am told, very unhappy with the November 30 NYT/IHT op-ed in which Steve Cook and I argued that the SCAF was fomenting instability and should be held accountable for their use of violence against civilians, and urged the U.S. to throw its weight behind early Presidential elections.  

Instead of getting angry, they should have listened. This weekend's renewed violence has shattered the illusion of their successful management and left their measures in tatters.  At least 10 members have resigned the Advisory Council in protest, including the ones who were trying to draft a constitutional framework. The silence of Prime Minister Ghanzoury has painfully illustrated his irrelevance. And the elections -- while vital -- are not alone enough.  This week's violence shows yet again the urgent need for an accelerated transition to civilian rule and rebuilding of a national political consensus, before events spin wildly out of control. 

The response to the crisis absolutely must not include canceling the Parliamentary elections.  Holding those elections in the face of activist opposition, major administrative hurdles, and multiple opportunities to postpone them is the one thing which the SCAF has done right. Elections and the building of democratic institutions are the only way to forge a genuinely legitimate alternative to military rule. Indeed, the next big battle to consume Egyptian politics is still almost certainly going to be the struggle between a Muslim Brotherhood-controlled elected Parliament and the SCAF over political authority.  Canceling elections which the Islamists are poised to win is perhaps the only thing which could move Egypt towards the feared scenario of Algeria 1991.  Completing the Parliamentary elections and seating the new elected body is an essential part of the political transition. I fundamentally disagree with those who see the elections and the protests as opposed, rather than complementary, means to force the SCAF to surrender power.

But it's not enough.  There are a number of different proposals now being discussed in Cairo for how to proceed.  One proposal is for the immediate transfer of executive power to the Parliament upon completion of the elections.  Another is for the Parliament to select an interim President. Yet another is for Presidential elections to be moved up to January 25.  These calls have gained the support of an impressive range of political trends, from leading Muslim Brotherhood figures to liberal icons Amr Hamzawy and Ayman Nour to former Prime Minister Essam Sharaf to Presidential candidate Abd el-Moneim Abou el-Fattouh to revolutionary youth groups to former members of the SCAF's Advisory Council (see this Facebook page for more).

The problems with such an accelerated Presidential election are of course daunting, as the incivise analyst Hassan Nafaa emphasizes today.  It would require the junking of the SCAF's transition timeline, creating a new wave of uncertainty.  It would mean the cancelation of the elections to the (largely irrelevant) upper house, though I doubt anyone would notice or care.   More worrying, it would mean that both the executive and the legislative branches would be seated without a new constitution delineating their powers -- though this is also a potential positive, since there would then be time for an extended period of drafting a new Constitution, rather than a frantic rush to write and ratify one before June.  There would be little time for Presidential candidates to campaign, giving a huge advantage to those such as Amr Moussa who have been building an electoral machine for many months.  The Parliamentary selection alternative would galvanize fears of Islamist domination, since the likely Muslim Brotherhood Parliamentary majority would be in a position to select the President (even if it would likely opt for a consensus candidate for strategic reasons). 

But for all those obstacles, accelerating the transition to civilian rule is the best way forward. The recurrent political crises and outbursts of horrifying violence by regime security forces demonstrate clearly the existential costs of the SCAF's mishandling of the transition. The Parliamentary elections should continue, the upper house elections should be canceled, a civilian President should be elected by February (though I'm unsure as to whether the Parliamentary or electoral route makes the most sense), and full executive and legislative authority should then be transferred from the SCAF to these democratically legitimate bodies.  The constitution should then be drafted over the course of a year, followed perhaps by new elections. 

I don't expect the SCAF to willingly agree to this plan, or even to agree with the diagnosis of its failures, given its confrontational response to the Cabinet violence crisis and aggressive use of state media to shape Egyptian opinion.  But it is ever more clear that the SCAF is not capable of overseeing a genuine democratic transition, and that its recurrent resort to violence against its own people should badly undermine its legitimacy.  The protest-violence dynamic is turning uglier with every iteration.  It needs to be short-circuited in favor of a bold new transition plan before it's too late.

MOHAMMED ABED/AFP/Getty Images

 

ARNOLD EVANS

3:16 AM ET

December 21, 2011

A bunch of questions about this and the earlier Times piece.

The success of the first round of Parliamentary elections blunted the momentum that had been building for such an accelerated transition. The high turnout and orderly procedures in the first round of elections had left the SCAF feeling clearly vindicated. The SCAF was reportedly furious with the unprecedented public American criticism. They were also, I am told, very unhappy with the November 30 NYT/IHT op-ed in which Steve Cook and I argued that the SCAF was fomenting instability and should be held accountable for their use of violence against civilians, and urged the U.S. to throw its weight behind early Presidential elections.

This raises a very important question: how much and through what means is the SCAF communicating with you and other members of the Western news and opinion media establishment?

Are these contacts indirect through the US diplomatic corps? Or does the SCAF interface directly with the US press? How and why?

I'm not asking for sources, but if there are regular meetings, or if there is a position on the SCAF expressly for communicating with Western media or if this information is formally passed through diplomatic channels, this is an important unreported aspect of the SCAF's relationship with the US.

From the NYT:

Overall, the Obama administration has done better with Egypt than most critics recognize. It has sought to shape the generals’ behavior by praising them in public while quietly pushing them from behind the scenes. This approach has sometimes worked, but it has lowered America’s status in the eyes of many Egyptians. Few Egyptians (or Americans) know what motivates U.S. policy toward Egypt or what it has done. Most revolutionaries assume that Obama is conspiring with the generals against them.

I consider that a pretty reasonable assumption.

If that assumption is wrong, then we can use a lot more detail about what the Obama administration is doing.

But let's be honest. Barack Obama does not want Egypt's voters to determine whether the Suez gas pipeline is repaired when it is sabotaged, whether the pipeline prices are publicly released or under what conditions passage of people and goods to Gaza is allowed.

The secrecy is making the US look bad along with the SCAF. But if the reasonable assumptions are wrong, then an explanation of Obama's motivations, even anonymously sourced, could be very helpful to the US and to the SCAF.

 

ESWARI

7:09 AM ET

December 23, 2011

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KUNINO

6:25 PM ET

December 25, 2011

Mobs

We are presented with evidence that the current administrators of Egypt see little wrong (the only wrong being that some foreign damn reporter might understand it) in turning loose a militia-style attack on the citizenry meant to injure and degrade them. And I have little reason to understand the difference between the revolutionaries in Tahrir Square and, well, mobs. The TS groups, of course, have members prepared to speak English to foreign reporters, but that is no sign of competence or decency -- or affection for the West.

Who are the revolutionaries? How come in this poor nation, they can abandon their workplaces for days demonstrating for change in Freedom Square?

 

FACEBOOK0

1:38 PM ET

January 8, 2012

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President Barack Obama said Egypt’s transition to a new government “must begin now,” suggesting President Hosni Mubarak’s plan to remain in office for eight more monthsmay not quell the protests in Cairo’s streets.
Obama spoke to Mubarak for 30 minutes after the Egyptian president announced he wouldn’t seek another term in elections scheduled for September. Obama then went before television cameras at the White House to say Mubarak “recognizes that the status quo is not sustainable and change must take place.”
“What is clear,” Obama said he told Mubarak, “is my belief that an orderly transition must be meaningful, it must be peaceful, and it must begin now.”
While Obama publicly and privately continues to pressure Mubarak to move on the transition to new leadership, the president’s actions may tie him to the next steps Mubarak takes, said Aaron David Miller, a former Mideast peace negotiator and State Department official.
Mubarak’s decision to remain in office until the next election to ensure “stability” was rejected by opposition leaders and protesters who crowded in Cairo’s Tahrir Square yesterday.
Obama “is now identified with a solution to the crisis that falls far short of what the people on the street seem to want,” Miller said.
While Obama still can’t outright call for Mubarak to step down, he needs to say Mubarak’s statement is “not enough,” said Edward Walker, a former U.S. ambassador to Egypt and Israel who is now an adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute in Washington.
‘Lose Everybody’
“If we just declare victory now, they’ll lose everybody in the Middle East,” Walker said.
Mubarak’s announcement that he won’t seek re-election followed direct pressure from the U.S. administration.
Obama dispatched former diplomat Frank Wisner to Egypt, where he conveyed the U.S. message that Mubarak’s time in office is coming to an end to the Egyptian leader on Jan. 31, said an administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity because the discussions were private.
Whether Mubarak, 82, who has been in office three decades, has moved far enough to satisfy the opposition is still in question, the official said.
Edward Djerejian, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel and Syria, said Mubarak’s decision won’t stop the anti-government demonstrators.
Military’s Support
“Nevertheless, I do not believe he could have made the decision to stay in office until new elections without support from the Egyptian military,” he said in an e-mail. “If the street protests continue and become violent, the military may change their stance. We just have to wait and see.”
The U.S. also is making contact with the opposition and keeping lines of communication open to Egypt’s military and intelligence communities.
The U.S. ambassador in Egypt, Margaret Scobey, opened discussions with Mohamed ElBaradei, the former head of the United Nations atomic energy agency, who has emerged as a leading representative of the anti-Mubarak movement. The talks were “part of our public outreach to convey support for orderly transition” in Egypt, State Department spokesman Philip J. Crowley wrote in a message on Twitter earlier today.
The broadest contact point may be through the military and intelligence communities, Walker said.
“Those are the people who have serious longstanding relationships with the people who are still in charge of stable institutions inside of Egypt that don’t appear to be threatened,” he said.
Revamped Staff
The crisis in Egypt is the first critical test for Obama’s revamped White House staff, with Tom Donilon at the helm of the National Security Council.
Obama named Donilon, 55, who worked in the administrations of former presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton, as national security adviser in October. While he served as chief of staff to former Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Donilon has had to work against criticism that he lacks military experience. Donilon saw Afghanistan for the first time in March last year when he accompanied Obama on a six-hour trip there.
Still, the former executive vice president for law and policy at government-chartered mortgage finance company Fannie Mae, brings to the post expertise in managing processes, which is the role he’s playing in the administration’s Egypt response.
Security Team
Donilon has been organizing the involvement of the principal members of Obama’s national security team, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Defense Secretary Robert Gates and Central Intelligence Agency Director Leon Panetta. Deputy National Security adviser Denis McDonough is running the meetings on the deputy level, an administration official said.
Vice president Joe Biden is also playing a prominent role, staying in contact with regional leaders, including a call yesterday to Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa.
Obama’s economic advisers also are watching to see whether the turmoil in Egypt has broader implications. Unrest that either closed Egypt’s Suez Canal or spread into oil-producing regions in Saudi Arabia or the Persian Gulf would threaten the recovery in the U.S. and around the world.
Still, after fears of the crisis’s impact on the economy drove down stock markets last week, investors’ anxieties eased yesterday. The MSCI All-Country World Index of equities climbed 1.6 percent including dividends. The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed above 12,000 for the first time since June 2008. Yields on 10-year U.S. Treasuries increased seven basis points to 3.44 percent.
To contact the reporters on this story: Mike Dorning in Washington at mdorning@bloomberg.net Julianna Goldman in Washington at Jgoldman6@bloomberg.net
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2:53 AM ET

January 20, 2012

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