Posted By Robert Springborg Share

While much of American media has termed the events unfolding in Egypt today as "clashes between pro-government and opposition groups," this is not in fact what's happening on the street. The so-called "pro-government" forces are actually Mubarak's cleverly orchestrated goon squads dressed up as pro-Mubarak demonstrators to attack the protesters in Midan Tahrir, with the Army appearing to be a neutral force. The opposition, largely cognizant of the dirty game being played against it, nevertheless has had little choice but to call for protection against the regime's thugs by the regime itself, i.e., the military. And so Mubarak begins to show us just how clever and experienced he truly is. The game is, thus, more or less over.

The threat to the military's control of the Egyptian political system is passing. Millions of demonstrators in the street have not broken the chain of command over which President Mubarak presides. Paradoxically the popular uprising has even ensured that the presidential succession will not only be engineered by the military, but that an officer will succeed Mubarak. The only possible civilian candidate, Gamal Mubarak, has been chased into exile, thereby clearing the path for the new vice president, Gen. Omar Suleiman. The military high command, which under no circumstances would submit to rule by civilians rooted in a representative system, can now breathe much more easily than a few days ago. It can neutralize any further political pressure from below by organizing Hosni Mubarak's exile, but that may well be unnecessary. 

 

The president and the military, have, in sum, outsmarted the opposition and, for that matter, the Obama administration. They skillfully retained the acceptability and even popularity of the Army, while instilling widespread fear and anxiety in the population and an accompanying longing for a return to normalcy. When it became clear last week that the Ministry of Interior's crowd-control forces were adding to rather than containing the popular upsurge, they were suddenly and mysteriously removed from the street. Simultaneously, by releasing a symbolic few prisoners from jail; by having plainclothes Ministry of Interior thugs engage in some vandalism and looting (probably including that in the Egyptian National Museum); and by extensively portraying on government television an alleged widespread breakdown of law and order, the regime cleverly elicited the population's desire for security. While some of that desire was filled by vigilante action, it remained clear that the military was looked to as the real protector of personal security and the nation as a whole. Army units in the streets were under clear orders to show their sympathy with the people.

In the meantime the regime used the opportunity to place the military in more direct control of the government while projecting an image of business as usual. In addition to securing the presidential succession to Gen. Omar Suleiman, retired general and presidential confidant Ahmed Shafiq was sworn in as prime minister, along with a new cabinet, in all due televised pomp and ceremony. Gamal's unpopular crony businessmen supporters were jettisoned from the cabinet, with their replacements being political nonentities. Mubarak himself pledged that the new government would focus on providing material security to the people.

The stage was thus set for the regime to counterattack the opposition through a combination of divide-and-rule tactics, political jujitsu, and crude application of force. The pledge by Mubarak not to offer his candidacy, the implied succession to Suleiman rather than Gamal, the commitment to revising constitutional provisions that govern the presidential election, and the decision to suspend parliamentary sessions until courts have ruled on contested candidacies from the November election succeeded in convincing some opposition elements that they had gained enough to call it a victory and go home.

As for those elements, including the coalition formed around Mohamed elBaradei, that deemed these concessions to be insufficient sops intended to preserve the status quo, the regime offered further provocations. Mubarak described them as opportunists and called their patriotism into question, implying that they were stooges of the United States and that he was defending the nation's independence and dignity. This was classic political jujitsu, for the enraged crowd now redoubled its efforts and demands, using much more insulting language to describe Mubarak himself. This in turn paved the way for the regime to unleash its goon squads to attack protesters.

The military will now enter into negotiations with opposition elements that it chooses. The real opposition will initially be ignored, and then possibly rounded up. The regime will do all possible to restore a sense of business as usual. Cell phone and Internet connections have already been re-established, and automatic teller machines are functioning, though banks remain closed so there can be no run on them. Businesses will be encouraged to reopen, and all possible will be done to ensure a flow of essential supplies into Cairo, Alexandria, and Suez.

The last challenge remaining is economic. Even before demonstrations broke out a few weeks ago, the economy was just limping along. It is now broken. Even in the best-case scenario of a rapid return to stability, Egypt faces a cash crunch. Capital flight, loss of foreign direct investment, drying up of tourist revenues, downgrading of sovereign debt and commensurate increase in interest, and lost earnings from interrupted production will all hammer the revenue side of the balance sheet. The expenditure side will be placed under yet more stress by acceleration of inflation already running at 10 percent, devaluation of the currency, and need to repair damage resulting from the clashes. Egypt will have to turn to its "friends" if it is to avert economic disaster and if the regime that just narrowly survived defeat is not to be challenged yet again.

The Obama administration, having already thrown its weight behind the military, if not Mubarak personally, thereby facilitating the outcome just described, can be expected to redouble its already bad gamble. Fearing once again that the regime might be toppled, it will lean on the Europeans, the Saudis, and others to come to Egypt's aid. The final nail will be driven into the coffin of the failed democratic transition in Egypt. It will be back to business as usual with a repressive, U.S.-backed military regime, only now the opposition will be much more radical and probably yet more Islamist. The historic opportunity to have a democratic Egypt led by those with whom the U.S., Europe, and even Israel could do business will have been lost, maybe forever. Uncle Sam will have to eat yet more humble pie, served up by the dictator who has just been insulting him.

Robert Springborg is a professor of national security affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School.

AFP/Getty Images

 

GAHGEER

7:58 PM ET

February 2, 2011

Ture but

It's not over yet. Friday's protest should be the last one - unless of course they shut down mosques and churches too.

 

GAHGEER

7:59 PM ET

February 2, 2011

Ture but

It's not over yet. Friday's protest should be the last one - unless of course they shut down mosques and churches too.

 

OUTSPEAKER

12:38 AM ET

February 3, 2011

Game over

The elephant in the room in this article is the military -- did we not witness a number of signals that they may well be divided within themselves? That orders to fully crack down and impose order for 8 months may not be fully implemented by the soldiers? At best, this will lead to an internal coup or realization that no other scenario than Obama's "transition" can avoid a period of strife akin to civil war or guerilla war.
Also not mentioned is Obama's apparent willingness to leave realpolitik behind when it comes to playing a role in a historic pro-democracy uprising. I don't doubt that he's been trying to convince Israel that continuing to support Mubarak (or a simlilar replacement from the military) will not provide long term security. Any overt support for Mubarak, or sign of internal meddling, would only help ensure that the inevitable new Egyptian regime starts off with a less than sympathetic position on Israel.
The economic aspects are certainly a concern, but they point to the new reality of the region where such issues will soon overshadow the Palestinian situation. Friedman is right in today's Times to point out to Israel that they are best to quickly settle the Palestinian issue now, before it can come back as a contentious issue with the new govt (and newly empowered population) of Egypt.
Last Friday was the "Day of Rage", this Friday is being planned as the "Day of Farewell", obviously tonight the Egyptian military appears to be ready to go all Tianenmen on the protesters, but if Friday's protests are averted, they will only serve to give birth to a civil war or guerilla war that will oust Mubarak with a lot more disruption to the region than if he just left power on his own.

 

MAX IN SAN FRANCISCO

2:20 AM ET

February 3, 2011

"Game Over..."

Your analysis is very much a 'man of the state' take on events and significantly leaves out the main actors in the Egyptian revolutionary movement -- vast numbers of predominantly young and poor, urban, working class Egyptians. They may have more to say here. The Egyptian armed forces may go for a Tiannemen Square type massacre in Cairo, or later some kind of a 21st century replay of a Free Officers Movement, but the armed forces are not a socially monolithic formation. The vast majority of enlisted men come from the same social strata as the anti-Mubarak insurgents in the streets. No army is hermetically sealed from the larger foces at work in the society that spawns it. See, for instance, the role that GI resistance played in sinking the US war effort in Indochina. A more appropriate comparison here might be the evolving collapse of the armed forces of Czarist Russia at the time of the February 1917 revolution. See also Germany in Nov. 1918, and the Spanish Navy at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. There have already been some reports of enlisted men mixing with the rebellious crowds.

The local elite might find it expedient to opt for a democratic management strategy to perputuate the reign of their social class, but the urban poor won't see the mass impoverishment and tremendous social inequalites that helped propel them into revolt disappear if they get a chance to choose a revolving set of technocrats overseeing their continued exploitation and dispossession.

History was supposed to have come to an abrupt and permanent end around 1989 or so. Class struggle was supposed to exist solely as an ideological construct in the foreign policy of the former goverment in Russia and not a phenomenon spontaneously generated by market society, so the re-emergence of the urban poor as a historical actor leaves contemporary political thinkers without functioning tools to grasp the bigger possibilites at work now. Reducing the movement in Egypt to a demand for democratic government is both an easy way out and a desperate effort to disappear the reemerging social question down an Orwellian memory hole.

 

ONEUNSTUCKINTIME

5:15 PM ET

February 4, 2011

Brilliant.

Very insightful, Max.

 

WINSTON_NM

11:07 AM ET

February 5, 2011

Keeping hope alive

Well written response, thank you. Trying to keep my hopes & faith alive. Fear is such a powerful force for bad.

 

CK MACLEOD

3:04 AM ET

February 3, 2011

Assuming the analysis is correct...

...what's the basis for ever assuming that any other outcome was ever very likely or possible? It's been clear for some time, and has been pointed out by numerous informed observers, that the military was the key, especially given the lack of a coherent opposition with identified leadership, organization, and platform. It was further pointed out that the fraternization between protesters and troops tended to reinforce not weaken the military's primacy: The protesters virtually invited the military to constitute the state.

The protesters succeeded in gaining a commitment from HM not to run again, under a transition to a free and fair election process. Such a scenario could only have been underwritten by the military. Three steps forward, two steps back. No one was outsmarted: It's just that the Egyptians aren't any better at jumping over their shadows than anyone else. Put differently, why would the writer or anyone else assume that they or anyone else could transfer from dictatorship to full-fledged democracy overnight?

 

GRANDEROHO

7:12 AM ET

February 3, 2011

Foreign policy isn't

Foreign policy isn't missionary work I suppose.

I hope you are wrong Springborg.

 

LINDA HERRERA

12:53 PM ET

February 3, 2011

It's not over until it's over...

This article is highly problematic on two fronts. First, it offers a monolithic and overly simplistic understanding of the military. I urge all readers of this article to take the time to read an excellent piece by Paul Amar that details the different factions of the military and the internal power struggles that will no doubt play a part in determining the outcome of this phenomenal movement. I provide the link here:
http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/516/why-mubarak-is-out

Second, though some might argue that academic work is "objective" and outside of questions of morality and solidarity, I beg to differ. This article came out at the moment when the movement turned dark, when people on the streets in Egypt were being attacked and terrorized by government hired thugs, when their morale may have been temporarily down, and when cracks began to deepen in people's unity. An article such as this may serve to demoralize people. And moreover, this revolution is not being played by a rulebook, according to certain modeling and patterns of history. A new history is being made. Let us remember, that it's not over until it's over. And this is not over by any stretch of the imagination.

 

DAVEINBOCA

4:30 PM ET

February 3, 2011

Max in SF & Linda are whistling past a graveyard.

The Eurocommie and cheerleader schools of thought are represented by these two posters. But Springborg is a survivor of having taught at Santa Clara U. and has assimilated [and perhaps rejected] superficial socio-political nostrums and pieties in a process of intellectual growth surrounded by the loons of the anarcho-left.

Egypt reminds a historian of the old definition of Prussia "an army with a country attached to it..." or words to that effect. Yes, the Army is not a monolith, but it appears after a few days of shaking and baking, the iron filings are definitely lining up towards Mubarak's praetorian guard keeping control of the country. Springborg is right, but gives the silly tyro Obama too much credit for acting one way and talking another---typical of a sophomoric foreign policy major trying to make up his mind while events are doing that for him.

It appears that Mubarak's somewhat capable son, pushed as successor by his grasping mother, is now out of the running and that Omar Suleiman will succeed Mubarak as president in September. That is not the end of the world, and calling a Cairo urban mob of young idealists and frustrated workers and unemployed the arbiters of democracy is the usual trapdoor the MSM shallow sociologists fall into during occasions like this. Egypt has 90 million people and has an unemployment rate about the same as the US. It's economy has also been growing over the last two decades. Maybe if Obama would stick to his knitting at home and try not to project his idealism elsewhere, the situation will work itself out by itself. That would be better than a Muslim Brotherhood sharia catastrophe that would go back to stoning women and cutting off hands for burglary.

 

PULLER58

11:04 PM ET

February 3, 2011

As opposed to what?

I still cannot fathom how a country receiving as much foreign aid from the US and having a treaty with Israel could possibly have a government that would likely have a strong Islamic bent. The "people" would likely insist on ending the treaty with Israel, and insist on breaking any cooperation with the US. Then the US would be obliged to end the foreign aid, and bad actors in the region like Syria and Iran would attempt to aid and abet Egypt if a government displayed a hardline attitude towards the West. (For financial assistance, the ever industrious Hugo Chavez could be counted on to try and fill the breech.) Sure, maybe a military dictatorship wouldn't be popular, but was there ever really another option?

 

YACOURI

5:26 AM ET

February 4, 2011

Wait and see..

Western experts on Egyptian internal affairs seem to be materialising by the second. My advice would be to adopt Linda's approach in continuing to observe the workings of this popular uprising and the regime's responses to it. It is not over until its over.

It is also important to note that this popular movement is not purely restricted to the borders of Egypt. Many other states in the region, particularly the impoverished ones, are experiencing the same sort of public discontent. We are a long way from any concrete conclusion or the situation 'returning to normal' as one commentator so distastefully put it.

 

FJET2020

11:04 AM ET

February 4, 2011

Game Over? Don't Think So

Game over? I don't think so. Remember, we still give them $1.5 billion a year, mostly for the military guys. We could yank that from them if they step over the line.

I was in the Nile Hilton in 1979 - got kicked out to make room for Pres. Carter's peace entourage. I think the author is overly pessimistic.

It ain't over until its over. The dark days of dictators is running out of gas in the age of the Internet.

I have more faith in Egypt's people - they want FREEDOM. The lid is off Pandora's box.

 

MAGPC

2:05 PM ET

February 4, 2011

As an Egyptian

I have to say that the situation in Egypt is too foggy, many are saying that we (the anti-protesters) should stop doing so because the people don't feel safe or have food to eat as long as we are holding our position in Tahrir square.
There are some remarks to say:
1)the protesters in tahrir are those who understand that freedom is more valuable than food and drink, while the whole majority (the rest of the 80 millions) just want to eat, drink, marry and have sex, and live their lives without any objection on anything.
2)A game is played now so that the anti-protesters after being beaten by police and pro-protesters whom we know are from police and the ruling party, the protesters are being accused that they are ruining their country by only standing peacefully in tahrir square. And sadly the state TV and those of the ruling party succeeded in exporting this vision to the ordinary people and now people are accusing the protesters of being traitors to their country.
there are so many to say, but a last point.
3) If the revolution failed and Mubarak stayed, I assure you that all those in Tahrir square (I mean those with good intentions to change and..), all of those would feel that they are so depressed that they will look for any immigration outside that country, so Egypt will lose those who are really faithful and hardworking for the free countries in the world ( as if this matters to Mubarak).
Feel free to comment or ask about anything.

 

JKLAIRWIN

2:58 PM ET

February 4, 2011

An interesting take

This article is certainly interesting, but, like so much of the commenting, seems to have no real factual basis. Significantly, no facts and no sources are cited. We all have our opinions based on what we read and some, like the author, even have some background expertise to throw into the mix, but actual facts seem to be in very short supply. These predictions may very well turn out to be correct, but then again....

 

THIRDWORLDCHARLIE

11:01 PM ET

February 4, 2011

Gen. Omar Suleiman is a torturer

WikiLeaks confirm that Omar Suleiman was personally implicated in torture. Please read: http://213.251.145.96/cable/2005/08/05CAIRO5924.html\

 

SHAMS ZAMAN

9:39 AM ET

February 5, 2011

I also Think its almost over

Very rightly said. I think Egyptians have almost lost the opportunity. Once the momentum of any movement breaks down its very difficult to put things back in motion. The change will never come until and unless Mubarak feels the heat. What the demonstrators doing in Tahrir square is giving Mubarak enough space and time to turn the tables back on the demonstrators. It was a miscalculation that by staying in Tahrir square they would put enough pressure on Mubarak to step down and by bringing Egypt to a stand still. Mubarak has nothing to loose even the complete Egypt comes to a stand still. They have few more days and if they don't start marching towards Presidential Palace to kick Mubarak out, it is almost over for them. The routine in Cairo and rest of Egypt would start coming to "business as usual" if the demonstrators kept on sitting in Tahrir square. People can't keep occupying the square for endless. They will have to return to their normal life once they run out of money and business. If Egyptian people really want to bring in a change they will have to march and kick him out otherwise the complete drama would fizzle out. And time for the Egyptians is running out.
Shams Zaman - Pakistan (smszmn72@yahoo.com)

 

MAX IN SAN FRANCISCO

4:08 PM ET

February 5, 2011

The forward momentum of the movement may have been lost...

Unfortunately Shams Zaman's observations here are probably quite accurate. I hope I'm wrong.

 

KHALED25JAN

2:01 PM ET

February 6, 2011

Best way to ensure stability in the region is to support democra

Robert,
There is one fundamental issue that should not be overlooked, this demonstration were initiated by face book rallying.
The point is, this generation of <30 years old, all have their basic understanding of the world through www. They understand and look for the freedom and democracy as they see online.
As soon as they go out to the street they are met with all the manifestation of corruption, and oppression. This generation is liberal and they are the best barrier against fundamental Islam.
In genuine democracy, Muslim brotherhood would be 20% at best.
Only democracy can insure the stability of the region. Military crackdown will produce violent Egypt. With millions of youth demonstrating, after military crackdown or oppressive security regime, I can imagine 5-10% would turn to underground work, and violence. In other words, hundreds of thousands of angry Egyptian at the footsteps of Suez Canal, the petroleum pipeline, and at the boarder of Israel.
In short, the best way to ensure stability in the region is to support democracy.

 

RAMADANA

7:35 PM ET

February 11, 2011

You were worng

Mr. Springborg,

You were wrong.

Best regards,
People of Egypt

 

PHILLIP LAREAU

7:30 AM ET

February 12, 2011

Mubarak

Two comments about some of the blogs and commentary.

1. It is triing, to say the least, to watch so called experts shill for Obama -- the Egptian people took this action and trying to turn this into an Obama versus Bush debate simply demonstrates the parachiol nature of those who can only see geopolitical dynamiics through a narrow peephole called American domestic politics. Bush faced a much more brutal regime in Iraq -- the comparisons are meaningless.

2. That said, I was stunned to see the amounts of money Mubarak allegedly stole from his country. Having lived in Egypt and reported there, I knew he was corrupt, but over the past 15 to 20 years he has apparently been hard at work stealing more than governing -- if the estimates of his wealth are accurate.

3. Leaders who steal so much, so blatantly from their own people deserve what they get -- in this case, I hope, a long and humiliating exile and the insistence by a new government that much of this wealth be returned to the people it belongs to -- the people of Egypt.

Worth recalling, too, that one reason Egyptians put up with Mubarak so long is that he brought some stability after Nasser and Sadat. But they were sick of him 20 years ago. Now comes the next phase -- how to cobble together a government that is not simply a reprise of the previous regime..

 

The Middle East Channel offers unique analysis and insights on this diverse and vital region of more than 400 million.

Read More

Enter your email address to get twice-weekly updates from the Mideast Channel:

Delivered by Constant Contact